The political fallout around the Scorpions investigation into Deputy President Jacob Zuma and the multi-billion rand arms deal could lead to changes in the structure of government as well as a possible reorganisation of the Scorpions.

While Zuma's decision to answer the questions in full has come as a relief in government circles, government officials point to the structural problems that have been highlighted by the two-year investigation into allegations that Zuma benefited financially from his involvement in the arms deal.

Zuma faced 35 probing questions this week regarding an alleged bribe paid to a French company linked to the arms deal, his relationship with financial adviser Schabir Shaik and his personal finances stretching over a decade.

It is understood that government is currently investigating how a similar matter would be dealt with in a Western democracy and what steps could be taken to ensure that such a crisis of government does not arise again when a senior official is implicated in malpractices.

"There is something wrong with a system in which the second most senior politician in the country has to conduct his official responsibilities and deputise for the president for two years while a cloud of suspicion hangs over him," said one official.

President Thabo Mbeki indicated at a media briefing on Tuesday that he wanted the investigation to be concluded because it had dragged on for too long. Zuma claims he has been shabbily treated by national director of prosecutions, Bulelani Ngcuka, and that his privacy has been invaded.

Zuma's decision to answer the questions posed by the Scorpions is likely to bring the matter to a head. While the questions do not demand an affidavit and will not require him to face interrogation or cross-examination, they are a response to Zuma's long-held complaint that he has never had a chance to answer the allegations.

Either the Scorpions must accept Zuma's denials and explanations and drop their investigation, or they must press charges against the deputy president. If they press charges, that would be the most likely moment at which Mbeki would call in Zuma and advise him to stand down from his official functions while the law takes its course.

In most democracies, the issue of allegations against such a senior politician or minister of state would lead to the relevant authorities briefing the head of state in advance of such allegations being made public.

The head of state would then be in a position to consult his or her advisers, and make a judgment call as to the seriousness of the allegations.

If they were serious, as would be the case with corruption charges which appear to have some basis, the head of state would call in the senior politician concerned and ask him or her to relinquish their official responsibilities while the legal process took its course. This would mean that the politician under suspicion would retain their title, status and remuneration but would no longer perform the duties of state.

There are concerns in senior government circles that the separation between the national directorate of public prosecutions and the presidency - the line responsibility being through Minister of Justice Penuell Maduna - might have to be reviewed to allow the president more flexibility in dealing with allegations of malpractice against senior colleagues.

The remarks by Mbeki this week that the "location" of the Scorpions in government might have to be changed - he mooted the possibility of the Scorpions becoming a specialised unit in the SA police services - is a pointer to the rethink under way in government. Mbeki's dilemma is that as he appointed Ngcuka, who is responsible for the Scorpions, he has to keep a distance from Ngcuka and the functioning of the Scorpions.

Opposition spokesmen pointed out this week that it was strange that the president has raised the problem of the institutional tensions between the Scorpions and SAPS only now that they had turned their attentions to a senior politician.

"The Scorpions are a creation of his (Mbeki's) administration and there can be no confusion about whom they report to and why," said United Democratic Movement (UDM) leader Bantu Holomisa. "President Mbeki is after all part of the cabinet that took the decision to create the Scorpions. Why the sudden confusion about the Scorpions?"

A second issue which is causing concern in government circles is the lack of an integrated presidency and the high degree of separation between the offices of the president and the deputy president, which provides the incumbent with a relatively free hand to build an independent power base.

The ANC, deeply divided between Zuma and Mbeki loyalists, could suffer long-term damage as a result of the fall of so senior and popular a politician.

Zuma won his popularity through a lifetime of struggle, which includes a 10-year sentence on Robben Island, a top position in the ANC's military wing, umKonto weSizwe (MK) in Maputo in charge of operations in the north of what was then Transvaal and Natal, and his later role as head of ANC intelligence.

In the run-up to democratic elections in 1994 - and since then - Zuma has played a crucial role in keeping the peace in KwaZulu-Natal. In the period before the election, he was instrumental in preventing a secession by Zulus loyal to the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) and, since the election, he has been instrumental in keeping Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi and the IFP within the government.

Ironically, Zuma ended up in the role of deputy president when Buthelezi, who had been earmarked for the position by Mbeki, rejected the offer at the last moment when the ANC tried to link his appointment to the IFP relinquishing its claim to the premiership in KwaZulu-Natal.

Zuma, former transport minister Mac Maharaj and the Shaik brothers were all associated with Operation Vula - the ANC's underground campaign which sought to provide a counter-strategy if the former National Party negotiators tried to reverse democratic gains attained through negotiations.

The Mbeki camp, which argued that once committed to negotiations the ANC should drop other forms of struggle, had a different approach to the negotiated settlement.

The removal of Zuma from high office would leave a void in the ANC's strategy with the IFP. But it would also remove the ANC's leading father figure, who is often the first point of reference for senior members seeking to resolve leadership and personality conflicts.

It was Zuma to whom Winnie Madikizela-Mandela turned when she thought that Mbeki was victimising her. It was Zuma who often found himself courted by former president Nelson Mandela on thorny issues such as the allegiance of Zulu King Goodwill Zwelithini and the vexed issue of ANC policy on HIV/Aids.

There are growing fears in government and business circles that the row that has erupted around the Scorpions investigation could descend into a damaging tit-for-tat exchange of cloak-and-dagger dirty tricks and discrediting of ANC leaders in different camps.

Many of those in the Zuma camp feel that their leader is being unfairly targeted and victimised.

"Zuma finds it offensive that after a lifetime dedicated to the ANC, he is being called on to open his bank accounts going back more than 10 years," said one source close to the deputy president.

"The case against him comes across as a witch-hunt aimed at destroying him politically, and that leads to the conclusion that it is politically motivated and driven."

Sadly this source was unable to produce any convincing arguments to support his contention other than the usual arguments that everyone has skeletons in their cupboard, and if you dig deep enough you will find something to pin on them.

But there is an equally credible case that the Scorpions, which have proved themselves to be a highly effective and professional unit, are driven by the belief that there is substance in their allegations.

Caught between his investigators and Zuma loyalists in the ANC is Ngcuka, who claims he has been the target of a sustained and vicious campaign to discredit him.

Mbeki will need to defuse this feud to avoid permanent damage to the office of the president, the government, the ruling party and the country.

With acknowledgements to John Battersby and the Cape Times.