10 years after democracy, but nation building not yet achieved

A year that was destined to be a triumph of 10 years of democracy turned out to be not only eventful and vibrant, but also a period of soul-searching punctuated with political controversy.

With Travelgate and Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) added to the list of contentious debates such as Zimbabwe, the arms deal, HIV/Aids, poverty and unemployment, there were no dull moments between celebrations.

In political terms, 2004 showed just how far South Africa has come in putting apartheid behind it.

But reflection also showed up many cracks in the transformation process, which was frequently met with defensiveness in ruling circles and acrimonious public debates, such as that between President Thabo Mbeki and Archbishop Emeritus Desmond Tutu.

The year started with the rupture associated with all election campaigns. Ironically, it ended with divisions within the ruling alliance. It also finished with positive signals about economic growth and job creation.

The ANC consolidated its decade in power with a landslide 70% victory in the election, which also revealed shifts in the political landscape - such as the demise of the party of apartheid, the rapid rise of Patricia de Lille's Independent Democrats (ID), and persistent ethnic voting patterns in opposition ranks - despite a swing to the ANC by Indian and coloured voters.

Presidency: Never shying away from setting the national debate, often through his weekly ANC Today internet letters, Mbeki increasingly used them for knock-out attacks on his detractors, causing much of the spotlight to bounce back on himself.

Unlike the swift resolution of the spat with Anglo American CEO Tony Trahar in September over big business's perceived lack of commitment, his counter-attacks after Tutu's reprimands over political vacuums are still simmering.

Mbeki nevertheless ends 2004 on a high note with the latest survey results showing growing popularity among all sections of the population.

His convincing "man of the people" remake during the election campaign has largely made way for "Mr Delivery" at home. Internationally he is carving out of a role as point man for peace in Africa, with recent efforts in the Ivory Coast and Western Sahara.

In 2004 racism seemed to still haunt post-apartheid society, highlighted by a farmworker thrown to lions and a year-end fracas over donated African blood, including Mbeki's, routinely being destroyed.

The president frequently weighed in, and he caused waves castigating white journalists in October for their criticism about the links between Aids and rape. He later refused to answer questions in parliament.

Stellenbosch University political science head Amanda Gouws warns that Mbeki's intolerance of criticism could lead to "a lot of self-censorship where people may fear to be handled like Tutu, which poses dangers to democracy".

"Some critiques may not be valid, but all of them are being treated as though people have hidden motives, resonating in racism," Gouws said.

In May Mbeki set the tone for the next five years with more than 100 promises of delivery in his state of the nation address. It was all about delivery on the ground, along with numerous assurances that policies were correct and not up for discussion.

It followed an honest yet somewhat contradictory 10-year review by the government, acknowledging shortcomings, but also setting the tone for a vastly more influential and centralised state.

Elections: 2004's elections brought their usual set of controversies, with Mbeki being quoted as telling a rally that he would beat his sister if she voted for African Christian Democratic Party leader Kenneth Meshoe. This was later retracted.

Then there were the usual opposition allegations over state resources used for electioneering.

Voter numbers were down, with the biggest opposition vote a "no vote", when nearly 7-million registered voters stayed away. Only about 38% of all potential voters chose the ANC, but nevertheless gave it an overwhelming mandate and responsibility.

The election also marked the Inkatha Freedom Party's loss of KwaZulu-Natal and its leader Mangosuthu Buthelezi's ousting from cabinet.

But Buthelezi gained new respect by openly announcing that first one, then a second of his children died of Aids, challenging continuing silence in ruling circles over the pandemic.

More excitement came from the fire-work tensions in the ruling tripartite alliance after their cozy election relationship, with Cosatu falling out spectacularly with the government and ANC over its ill-fated October visit to Zimbabwe.

Dale McKinley, spokesperson for the Social Movements, said 2004 also brought to the surface differences between what people expected and what was delivered in the decade of democracy.

He was referring to a new trend of spontaneous protest against lack of delivery such as in Vrede and Harrismith, amid growing opposition against corruption and elite empowerment.

Parliament: In what was destined to be a year of more vigorous oversight over delivery, the new parliament found itself tip-toeing through an ethical minefield with Travelgate and other breaches of code still casting a shadow of negative perceptions.

Idasa analyst Judith February said parliament, as "champions of the people", showed a "patchy record" in oversight. "At the moment the new arms deal provides an opportunity to re-assert its authority", February said. "Parliament needs to take itself seriously."

There were increasing signs of pressure from the executive - such as an ANC motion to neutralise a Democratic Alliance-led denunciation of the state's lack of urgency to fight rape. And deputy president Jacob Zuma was protected from answering a question over whether he lied to parliament about his alleged involvement in arms deal corruption.

The issue is still being thrashed out at the Shaik corruption trial in Durban, which many commentators believe was the most significant but underplayed political event of the year because of the questions it poses about patronage and succession.

There was much dithering over the Public Protector's damning report on a complaint by Zuma about former National Director of Public Prosecutions Bulelani Ngcuka's statement that there was prima facie evidence of corruption against him.

Eventually parliament only slapped Ngcuka on the wrist. He resigned months later.

Ten years after former president Nelson Mandela's first state of the nation address, he and his apartheid era predecessor FW de Klerk addressed parliament in a rare moment of symbolism and unity.

Another colourful high note was the first session of the Pan African Parliament in Midrand, with South Africa the permanent host.

Breakthroughs included the adoption of the controversial anti-terrorism legislation as well as the long delayed immigration bill; both sorely needed to ensure that South Africa keeps its nose clean in the fight against terrorism, after alarm over suspects detained internationally with South African passports.

Foreign: In 2004 the war on terrorism was increasingly criticised. George Bush was nevertheless elected to a second term, which spells more uphill for Mbeki's African agenda.

Much was again said about Mbeki spending too much time abroad, but South Africa continued to expand its international role, highlighted by a bid for a seat on a reformed United Nations Security Council.

Increasing involvement in peace efforts in the Great Lakes Region through mediation and peace keeping delivered the latest controversy, the need to buy more military planes for billions of rand.

While silent diplomacy proved very quiet, Zimbabwe remained a source of escalating strife inside South Africa.

Opposition parties were also up in arms when South Africa early in January sent reinforcements to Haiti and later gave asylum to its ousted leader Jean-Bertrand Aristide.

Security: Much of the intrigue in 2004 came from revelations on the security terrain, such as our intelligence agencies' role in foiling an alleged coup plot in Equatorial Guinea, the arrest and trial of mercenaries there and in Zimbabwe, as well as the alleged involvement of Mark Thatcher of Cape Town.

Earlier police commissioner Jackie Selebi caused pandemonium by claiming that South Africa foiled al-Qaeda disruption during the elections, followed by much prevarication over its veracity.

Also still mired in mystery is an international swoop here on alleged nuclear merchants and the discovery of an arms cache at the Ulundi legislature.

Our prisons remained an area of strife. Chief Justice Arthur Chaskalson warned also that our courts were on the brink of collapse. There have further been persistent allegations of racism in the judiciary.

Despite positive trends, crime statistics again proved controversial. The year ended with more money at last allocated to police pay.

The start of the anti-retroviral roll-out this year brought hope, but by year end only 90 000 people have signed up - far behind targets, while UN agencies predicted radically lower life expectancy as the pandemic marched on.

More news on healthcare dealt with controversial medicine price control legislation and regulations.

Transforming the economy: Both the 10-year review and Mbeki questioned the commitment and role of the private sector in turning the economy around, followed by a significant shift towards state intervention, such as the expanded public works programme.

Poverty traps nevertheless continued to affect 22-million people, but latest reports show that the massive take-up of grants was making a marked difference.

Yet radically improved growth was reported recently amid signs of increased activity in the informal sector and positive formal job creation.

Organised labour did much muscle-flexing this year, however, including the largest public service strike ever over wages. Lately it weighed into one of 2004's most caustic debates over the limits of BEE, charging that there is little evidence that the poor benefit.

The state finally acknowledged that the pace of land reform was too slow, promising to step up delivery. More controversially, it is reconsidering foreign land ownership and expropriation.

On a positive note the first former residents returned to an international symbol of apartheid removals, District Six.

Reconciliation: Nation-building and reconciliation a decade after apartheid also came under the spotlight with mixed reviews.

February said in 2004 the "big picture issues were coming back at us after 10 years": such as national identity themes, highlighting "the need for more national debate and opening the space to do so constructively".

Such debates should be about "transforming everything", from "sport to education to the judiciary and business", she said.

Gouws agreed that South African had not completely succeeded in nation building and consolidating democracy, although 10 years was not long enough to accomplish this.

The five-year wait for reparations by victims identified by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was finally over, but post-TRC prosecutions are in jeopardy over political pressure and lack of guidelines, one of the issues still preventing the closing of the door on apartheid.

Between electioneering and feel-good moments, such as the soccer bid victory and an Oscar and a Nobel prize, 2004 was also punctuated by the parting of a number of icons of the freedom struggle - Dullah Omar, Ray Alexander-Simons, Beyers Naudé, Joyce Kgoali, Aggrey Klaaste and Yasser Arafat.

With acknowledgements to Christelle Terreblanche and the Cape Times.