The business ambitions of fraud and corruption accused Schabir Shaik stretched as far as Kuwait, the United States, Malaysia and Algeria, the Durban High Court heard on Tuesday.

Documents in the court's possession show that Shaik flaunted his "political connectivity" with deputy president Jacob Zuma in correspondence relating to most of these ventures.

Shaik and Zuma also had dreams of establishing an investment bank. The latest information emerged when the state's final witness and chief investigator in the case, Senior Special Investigator Johan du Plooy, took the court through several documents.

Reading extracts from various letters, e-mails and a diary, the court heard that Shaik's business plans also included the construction of an airport in Algeria and supplying the South African Police Service with vehicles.

In a letter to Foud M T Alghanim in Kuwait dated October 27, 1999, Shaik wrote that "politically my close friend and long time political comrade *1 (25 years) has been appointed Deputy President of South Africa, Mr Jacob Zuma.

"He has appointed me his Special Economic Advisor and I am indeed honoured to work with this man who is the second most influential person within the African National Congress (ANC) party."

Further in the letter Shaik wrote that "both the Deputy President and I shared a long time common economic goal, ie to establish an investment bank.

"We are still pursuing this socio-economic and socio-political objective for critical economic and political reasons."

In the last paragraph of the letter Shaik wrote that they were also pursuing an airport construction opportunity in Algeria and that his brother Mo Shaik was currently South Africa's ambassador to that country.

The financial director of Shaik's Nkobi Holdings, Colin Isaacs, wrote a letter to Ronald Coopersmith in Virginia in which he said they were interested in opportunities in the pharmaceutical industry, the Prefab business, an engineering company with particular interest in Eskom's rural electrification programme, and a forestry company.

Also attached to the letter was Shaik's vision of the investment bank. he said "the investment bank can also indeed, without a shadow of doubt, compete for Government / various Ministry's budgets as a 'deposit taker' and the financial management thereof. Example: the Ministry of Economic Affairs and Tourism, KwaZulu-Natal, headed by Minister Jacob Zuma, where we believe we stand an 'equal' chance, or aptly put, if all things are equal - because of the empowerment principle pursued by our government -we stand 'a better than equal' chance on receiving a ministry's deposit.

"These would be in the order of R800 million *2 ($134 million) for a fiscal year."

Also before the Durban High Court is document RR47, a letter to the late minister of Safety and Security, Steve Tswete. In it Shaik complains that he received no response despite numerous phone calls to Tshwete by him and Grant Scriven from Venson Plc, their joint venture partner in the UK, following their meeting about the privatization of police vehicles and related infrastructure.

"I would presume that some basic office courtesy *3 should apply at the least," wrote Shaik.

He also writes that, "Even a simple 'no thank you' response would be better than no response surely.

"Not to respond at all - despite our several attempts, is both rude and inefficient."

Again he mentioned Zuma's name, saying he took advice from him before approaching Tshwete. Shaik has been accused of soliciting a R500 000 per annum bribe for Zuma from French arms company Thomson CSF in exchange for protection during investigations into irregularities into South Africa's multi-billion rand arms deal.

The state alleges that he and Zuma had a "generally corrupt relationship" and that he paid Zuma R1,2 million in bribes to use this "political connectivity."

His one charge of fraud relates to the allegedly irregular write-off of R1,2 million in the books of one of his companies.

With acknowledgement to Wendy Jasson da Costa and Sapa.

*1      Note well - close political friend - not the close personal friend with whom the R2 Million Revolving Credit Agreement was faxed.

*2      In a secular country, could a government ministry place an R800 million deposit in a bank without it earning interest?

What would the Public Finance Management Act say about this?

*3      This from the Archangel of Common Courtesy.