Publication: The Star Issued: Date: 2005-07-01 Reporter: Jovial Rantao Reporter:

Corruptor Must Be in the Dock as Well

 

Publication 

The Star
Date

2005-07-01

Reporter

Jovial Rantao

Web link

 

Most South Africans do not know what he looks like. They only know his name.

His picture has not been published - at least not in South Africa. He is in the middle of what is this country's biggest political story.

In fact, he should be in the dock with ANC deputy president Jacob Zuma to face the same charges.

Alain Thetard is the missing accused or witness, whichever way you look at it.

Thetard is a senior executive at French arms manufacturer Thales. His name featured prominently in the trial in which Durban businessman Schabir Shaik was convicted on two counts of fraud and corruption.

Thetard, who was leader of Thales in this country, arranged meetings between Shaik, Zuma and senior executives from his company in order to procure the lucrative contract *1 to install computer software to control the guns of South Africa's new frigates.

In fact, it turned out, according to testimony in the Shaik trial, that Thetard was the author of the encrypted fax - an important piece of evidence that in effect became a corruption agreement.

The document confirmed that payments would be made by Thales - to Zuma, which would be in return for the arms contract and for protection against possible prosecution for being involved in corruption.

At that stage, the assumption by Thales would have been that Zuma, being the powerful deputy president, would be able to use his office to ensure that Thales would not be charged when their little secret came out.

Well it's out now. Thales was found to be the company seeking and paying for the influence that Zuma wielded on behalf of Shaik.

So, Thales, and in particular Thetard, should be charged with corruption.

According to evidence in the Shaik trial, Thetard has a case to answer.

Thetard needs to answer questions about the encrypted fax, which will no doubt come under scrutiny in this case. He will have to back up the affidavit he wrote in defence of Zuma, in a separate case in the Pretoria High Court, that the fax was a note.

He said it was merely a rough draft of a document "in which I intend to record my thoughts on separate issues in a manner that was not only disjointed but also lacked circumspection".

Thetard said in the affidavit it was for this reason that he did not personally fax the document or get one of his staff members to do so. Instead, he crumpled it and threw it into a wastepaper basket.

The note was presented in court with all the crossing-out and alterations, as well as the crease across the middle.

If we accept that Zuma has been charged because of the evidence that was accepted by Judge Hilary Squires in the Durban High Court, then it should follow, like night follows day, that Thetard should be in the dock with Zuma.

He should face corruption charges and face the music with the man he corrupted - that is, if we accept, as we should, the judgment in the Shaik matter.

Some time ago, a warrant of arrest was issued by the Scorpions. It was then withdrawn for some reason, and then reissued.

The South African government must put pressure on the French and Interpol to track down Thetard. He must be extradited to South Africa and placed in the dock right next to Zuma.

But who is Thetard and where is he?

No one seems to know much about this man. What some seem to know is that he left South Africa in a huff soon after finding out that the Scorpions had a copy of the fax.

It would seem he knew that the piece of paper would bring him more trouble than he could handle.

And where might he be?

France maybe, or perhaps a country such as Mauritius, where some of the meetings relating to the South African arms deal took place.

At the end of it all, this Frenchman must be brought to trial in South Africa. His feet must be held to the fire *2, along with those he allegedly corrupted.

Thales, his employers, must also be in the same boat *3. They need to be taught a lesson that there are ways of winning international business without resorting to illegal means.

The fact that the French have a peculiar, cavalier attitude towards bribery and corruption does not mean that the world should just sit back and accept.

Thetard is a big fish in this pond and he must be caught and made to answer for his transgressions.

If Zuma was corrupted, as the state alleges, then the corrupter must be arrested and charged along with him.


With acknowledgements to Jovial Rantao and The Star.


*1  Well, actually to supply, install and support the Corvette Combat Suite.

The contract is worth R1,35 billion in 1998 Rands for Thomson-CSF and ADS (about R2,5 billion in 2005 Rands).

It will be worth alot more over the support period (at least 15 years - maybe up to 40 years) of the Corvette.

The corvette combat suite contract was signed for R2,599 billion in 1998 Rands (about half going to Thomson-CSF and ADS). This was after the SA Navy and DoD set a R1,47 billion in 1997 Rands ceiling price as an inviolate condition of its acquisition.

Great contracts if one has almost unfettered access to the political decision-makers and interventionists - and one doesn't have bothersome competition.


*2   A bit rough in the Year 2005 AD. But 15 years in a medium-security penitentiary would suffice.


*3   This is the real fish. At least Thetard's two immediate superiors, Yann de Jomaron and Jean-Paul Perrier knew of the plan. Perrier was Chairman of Thomson-CSF International and Vice-Chairman of Thomson-CSF. All three were acting as servants of their master - The Company.

But Thomson-CSF are also masters of retro-corruption, i.e. the selling company officials pay the buying country officials big bribes (or commissions in Escargot) using company funds (although in reality just added to the contract price) and the latter  pay some back to the former.

In January 1999, at the commencement of contract negotiations, Thomson-CSF set aside 5% of the then estimated 2,2 GRand (R2,2 billion) value for "Compensations" in their offer; this is just R110 million, or about one hundred times more than the misery R500 000 per year they offered to the then Deputy President.

What happened to the other R109 million?