Publication: Mail and Guardian Issued: Date: 2005-09-01 Reporter: Editorial Reporter:

A Self-Denying Ordinance

 

Publication 

Mail and Guardian
Date

2005-09-01

Reporter

Editorial

Web Link

www.mg.co.za

 

There is a keen irony *1 in President Thabo Mbeki’s proposal of an inquiry into claims that he is orchestrating a plot against former deputy president Jacob Zuma. Over the years, Mbeki has himself been a regular proponent of conspiracy theories -- that the pharmaceutical industry trumped up the HIV/Aids epidemic, for example; or that a group of African National Congress businessmen were secretly working for his destruction. In the present crisis in the ANC over Zuma, one particular conspiracy theory has come back to haunt him: that the trade union movement is a hotbed of “ultra leftists” seeking to undo his presidency and South Africa’s democratic revolution.

There can be little doubt that the wrong-headed, uncritical support given to Zuma by many union and communist leaders has been strongly influenced by the 2002 witch-hunt against the “ultra left”, which Mbeki clearly spearheaded. The attempt to “isolate and defeat” the alleged ultras, and the climate of fear and loathing it generated can be seen as a turning point in the relationship between the president and the ANC’s allies. Zuma was careful to stay out of this bitter broedertwis, and in general has projected himself as a reconciler and diplomat eager to promote harmony in the tripartite alliance. It is Zuma’s image as an alliance peacemaker, and the fact that he seems the only candidate outside the Mbeki camp who could win the presidency in 2007, that has turned so many union and communist leaders into apparently mindless cheerleaders for the former deputy president.

This is a great pity, as it is quite obvious that South Africa’s interests would not be served by a Zuma presidency ­ even if he is acquitted of fraud.

That said, there are equivalent dangers in an Mbeki appointee moving into the presidential offices with (as appears to be the plan) Mbeki continuing as the leader of the ruling party. Three more years of conflict would greatly heighten divisions in the alliance, with potentially disastrous consequences for South Africa’s democracy. Already there are perceptions that the fire that gutted Shaik’s Durban flat, the fire at the ANC’s Johannesburg headquarters and the break-in at the home of Deputy President Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka’s residence are not coincidental. It is a source of concern, also, that the Scorpions appear to have exceeded their powers in some of the recent raids on Zuma’s lawyers and sympathisers.

The only conceivable solution is for Mbeki and Zuma to draw back from the leadership race to allow for the emergence of a suitable compromise candidate untainted by the Zuma affair and acceptable to both warring camps. Such candidates do exist and, as our Page 4 story reveals, there are moves afoot within the ANC to identify and bring them to the fore.

Heading off the escalation in hostilities between the two alliance factions makes it possible to restore the focus on South Africa’s real problems, and particularly the ticking time bombs of Aids and joblessness. But it will require a “self-denying ordinance”, in which the two protagonists put the public good before their personal ambitions.

RIP Oversight

Parliamentary oversight, just 11 years old, is dead. It sustained serious injuries when the ANC squashed parliamentary supervision of the arms deal, and finally died this week when Parliament’s minerals and energy committee rubber-stamped the public protector’s report on Oilgate.

The report is widely seen as a whitewash. Public Protector Lawrence Mushwana interpreted his powers narrowly, declaring he could not follow the money trail from PetroSA, to oil trader Imvume and on to the ANC’s coffers.

Parliamentary officials have recently made much noise about the institution’s new resolve to take its oversight role seriously. The glossy bumf boasts of how a hawkish eye will be kept on government performance. Bumf is all it is.

The intention is to counter the perception that parliamentary oversight is a luxury exercised only where the executive does not feel threatened. This perception was ingrained when Parliament’s standing committee on public accounts (Scopa) was reined after members took their job description (as overseers) too seriously and demanded real answers?

Last week, the ANC used its Scopa majority to block requests to PetroSA to hand over documents relating to the R15-million advance it paid to Imvume, of which R11-million reached the ANC. And this week the ANC used its majority in the minerals committee to endorse Mushwana’s whitewash report on that payment. Committee member Sam Louw even suggested the protector’s office is beyond reproach because it is a Chapter 9 institution.

But the public protector is accountable to Parliament, meaning that MPs could put Mushwana’s findings to the test. And Scopa has the power to subpoena PetroSA documents, jealously guarded by the parastatal.

There are none so weak as those who disempower themselves. Both committees chose not to exercise their powers, and failed in their public duty.

The ANC’s huge majority should enable it to exercise oversight without imperilling its own position. That it has failed so often to grasp that opportunity has damaged our democracy, and the party itself.

With acknowledgement to the Mail and Guardian.


*1  The keenest irony is Mbeki wanting to constitute an commission of enquiry to establish the truth, but refuses to answer the DA's questions on whether and why he met Thomson-CSF on or about 17 December 1998 in Paris.