Weight of Evidence Counted Against Zuma |
Publication | Cape Times |
Date |
2005-06-15 |
Reporter |
Estelle Ellis |
Web Link |
Court implicated Deputy President
To French arms company Thomson he was the "rising man". Evidence -
most of it a series of clandestinely scribbled notes by
French arms executives - indicates that he was the politician to watch
and preferably to woo.
The reason for this, Thomson-CSF executive Pierre Moynot
would indicate later, was that this was the way they did
business *1.
Arms contracts, he explained, were almost always awarded on the basis of a
political decision, therefore access to the corridors of power was of the utmost
importance.
At the end of the Shaik trial, Justice Hilary Squires would make three
devastating findings about Jacob Zuma, indicating that what Moynot
said was not only correct, but illegal as well.
Judge Squires found that Zuma was in a "generally corrupt"
relationship with businessman Schabir Shaik - Thomson's South African contact.
He found that the documentation presented to the court to prove that the
financial arrangement between Shaik and Zuma was above board was suspect and
could not be relied on.
He found that Shaik brokered a bribe agreement on Zuma's behalf that would have
extended this corrupt patronage to include Thomson-CSF. Also, he found that Zuma
knew about the terms for this agreement and had consented to it, by using a
"code" on which the parties had agreed.
The problem was that Judge Squires had made these findings - strongly
implicating Zuma - in the context of convicting Shaik. The question was what
burden of proof the president needed to axe his deputy.
It has, however, been three years during which Zuma has skirted the borders of
the prosecution against his friend, Shaik.
He was first mentioned as "Mr X" when Shaik dragged the Scorpions to
court over searches at his premises.
Mr X was mentioned as a party to the encrypted R500 000-a-year fax bribe
agreement from Thomson. Mr X turned out to be Zuma himself.
Subsequently Zuma appeared in the shadows of the Hefer commission investigating
allegations that the ANC had once suspected Bulelani Ngcuka of being an
apartheid spy.
It was, however, Ngcuka who refused the Scorpions
permission to raid Zuma's premises *2. It was also Ngcuka who made the
decision that while there appeared to be a prima facie case of corruption
against Zuma, only Shaik would be prosecuted.
Shaik was convicted of pursuing Zuma's influence. But as Judge Squires said, in
more lofty legal terms, it takes two to tango *3.