On the eve of Jacob Zuma’s initial court appearance on June 29, a rather unusual collective of supporters gathered for the night vigil outside the Durban Magistrate's Court buildings.

Shoulder to shoulder with T-shirted, toyi-toyiing grassroots ANC activists and die-hard trade unionists were the new elite. Top-of-the-range 4x4s joined minibuses in choking the streets as people from diverse backgrounds joined the protest against the prosecution of the man they want as the next president of South Africa.

Since then, the support for Zuma has continued to come from seemingly contradictory sources, drawn together by what they believe is a concerted campaign to end his presidential ambitions.

Blade Nzimande, the SA Communist Party general secretary, says the support is a reflection of the manner in which “JZ” is seen to have been treated.

“It’s not about him alone — although his personality has a lot to do with it — but more about his trial in the court of public opinion.

“At leadership level there is a concern about the manner in which someone who has contributed so much to the struggle is being targeted ...”

Nzimande says the chain of events around Zuma’s prosecution has created a “serious concern that organs of the state have been used for a political agenda, something that Cosatu has [alleged] quite bluntly”.

Ironically, the whispering campaign of a conspiracy first surfaced around the beginning of the Schabir Shaik corruption trial last year. Shaik’s spin doctors, and his brother Mo, were the first to talk openly of this as the trial gained momentum, seeding what has become a highly effective propaganda offensive.

By now their role — and their agenda — has been forgotten and the public has bought into what were first seen as outlandish theories aimed at discrediting the prosecution.

Then there is the emotional response at grassroots level, sparked by Zuma’s accessibility and his background.

“There is his stature and contribution and sacrifice that he has made, combined with his personality and style. JZ is an extremely accessible and affable person,” says Nzimande.

“There is a lot of working-class solidarity at play here. JZ is seen as one of us or one who is like us, who never went to school, who has no formal education, who rose through the ranks. There is the response that an attack on him is an attack on us.”

Nzimande also points to Zuma’s patience and ability to empathise with divergent views. “He has an image of being a unifier. This is his critical role within the alliance.”

This a sentiment echoed by the general secretary of the Young Communist League, Buti Manamela, who says he is seen as a “unifying force in the alliance and a great part of the leadership collective”.

Supporters agree that the Left’s affinity with Zuma is less about his own political positioning — he has never opposed centrist ANC policy on Gear and privatisation, for example — but rather about his willingness to engage.

“He has always been consistent in putting forward ANC policy at alliance level,” says one, “but he has always been consistent in wanting to discuss the issues on which we disagree.”

Don Mkhwanazi, the chairman of the Friends of Jacob Zuma Trust, says he has long been impressed by Zuma’s leadership.

He first met Zuma in 1987 when, as president of the Black Management Forum, he led a delegation to meet the ANC’s exiled leadership in Lusaka, Zambia. When Zuma returned from exile, he lived in Mkhwanazi’s home.

“I worked with him and he is simply a remarkable leader.

“I remember we had a meeting at Umgababa (on the South Coast) and people were very angry that the ANC leadership had abandoned the armed struggle. Zuma came to address the people and they were insulting him. I’ve never seen people so angry.

“They were so angry they could have killed him. But after he explained the issues and the reality that, at the end of the day, we were going to have to talk, he had us mesmerised.

“The same people who had been insulting him were carrying him shoulder-high ... that is a leader for you.”

Mkhwanazi points out the charisma that garners Zuma massive support from ordinary people.

“He has this personality, this charisma ... there is something special about him.”

Mkhwanazi also believes the Left’s support of Zuma doesn’t stem from ideology. “Great leaders are great listeners. He listens to people. Even if he does not agree with you, he is very empathetic. He will disagree with you, but in a style that lets you still believe he is a leader you can trust.”

The spontaneous support for Zuma needs to be co-ordinated and organised further, says Mkhwanazi, quoting this as his reason for chairing the trust.

“That verbal support has to be translated into something concrete, into money to ensure that justice is done,” he says.

“We are bringing in experts to improve the fundraising, to look at new ways of sustaining the campaign financially. People are donating their skills, their time to ensure this works.”

He tells how last week he was called to an Anglican church in Umlazi where 200 parishioners were holding a prayer meeting for Zuma:

“They were ordinary people coming up to me and wanting to give me money for the trust, then and there.”

• Additional reporting by Ndivhuho Mafela

With acknowledgements to Paddy Harper and the Sunday Times.