Publication: The Witness
Issued:
Date: 2006-08-01
Reporter: Sharika Regchand
Reporter:
Publication |
The Witness
|
Date |
2006-08-01 |
Reporter
|
Sharika Regchand |
Web Link
|
www.witness.co.za
|
Zuma
says charges a bid to end his political career
Former deputy
president Jacob Zuma’s claims of a plot to thwart his presidential ambitions
have raised questions on whether President Thabo Mbeki will have to be called to
give evidence at the Pietermaritzburg High Court.
A blistering affidavit in which Zuma appears unexpectedly to
make good on his promise to “have his say” in court,
raised many such potentially explosive questions and
implicated a host of the country’s most powerful figures in the alleged plot
against him.
The current national director of public prosecutions, Vusi
Pikoli, his predecessor Bulelani Ngcuka and Mbeki are some of the high and
mighty who Zuma claims would be able to clarify circumstances surrounding the
charges against him.
This was all revealed in Zuma’s affidavit in which
he seeks a permanent stay of prosecution in his case or for it to be removed
from the court roll.
Amid tight security, Zuma and his co-accused Thint
represented by Pierre Moynot appeared before Judge Herbert Msimang and his two
assessors Pietermaritzburg magistrate Hendry Sithole and Scottsburgh
magistrate Zama Phillip Nkosi.
Thint seeks the same order as Zuma.
When Zuma, who faces corruption charges related to the multi-billion
rand arms deal, entered the courtroom, dignitaries including KZN Premier S’bu
Ndebele stood up.
The arms deal relates to the billion rand contracts
concluded in the late 1990s by the South African Government to purchase aircraft
and vessels for the Air Force and Navy.
Zuma was charged after Judge
Hilary Squires found that he shared a “generally corrupt” relationship with his
former financial adviser Schabir Shaik.
Squires found that Shaik paid
Zuma R1.2 million for his influence to secure business deals for his Nkobi
group. Zuma is also alleged to have accepted an annual bribe of R500 000, which
Shaik facilitated from French arms company Thint for Zuma’s protection in the
probe into the arms deal.
After arguments on the next court date for the
matter to be argued since the defence only filed papers on Monday morning, in
response to the state’s application to have the trial adjourned, the case was
adjourned to September 5.
In his affidavit, Zuma said he has been touted
as a potential presidential candidate when Mbeki steps down and, just as there
are a number people who support him, there are just as many who don’t.
Zuma believes the charges against him were initiated and certainly
fuelled by a political conspiracy to remove him as a role player in the ANC.
“I was thus charged on 29 June 2005 with two counts of corruption. These
were in essence the mirror images of counts 1 and 3 against Schabir Shaik,” he
said.
Zuma was dismissed as deputy president even before he was charged.
He said he can only surmise that Pikoli briefed Mbeki on the upcoming charges,
either on an earlier occasion or during the five days Pikoli was with Mbeki
during a visit to Chile.
“It is after all inconceivable that the
president would have instructed Pikoli to prosecute me, that is after all, the
only other inference,” he said.
Zuma challenged Pikoli to reveal the new
evidence that made him change his mind about bringing charges before the visit
to Chile and whether he informed the president of this.
Only count three
in the present indictment might, in any way, be directly and logically connected
to and fall within the parameters of the investigation into the arms deal.
“I verily believe that, from the outset, these
investigations were not geared towards establishing corruption in the arms deal
*1, but indeed that this was used to ostensibly legitimise a wide-ranging
investigation of my conduct and financial affairs in order to find some aspect
which could be used to discredit me,” he said.
This has been an ongoing
process in which the assistance of some members of the state’s intelligence
services have been used, he alleged.
He said that in 2000, he became
aware of an investigation against him by the National Prosecuting Authority,
then headed by Ngcuka, on the arms deal.
“This I found peculiar because
of the known fact that I played no part in the arms deal process,” he said.
He added that during the Shaik trial some state witnesses asserted that
he welcomed and supported an investigation of the arms deal.
“There is
not a single state witness involved in the arms deal process who contends that I
ever even remotely requested or suggested that he or she act
in an improper manner in the process or that I tried to influence the process or
its outcome in any way *2,” said Zuma.
When he was being
investigated, Mbeki was deputy president and a member of the cabinet and thus
involved in the arms deal process, taking an active interest and part in it.
“[Mbeki] is a person who is ideally and obviously
suited to depose to the absence of corruption in the award process. *3
“Once again, if he does so the prosecution must revisit and
rethink the allegations that I was bribed to protect the French interests
against exposure for corruption in the arms deal. There is no statement from the
president in the docket contents handed to us. Nor is he on the list of
witnesses,” he said.
In the midst of the prosecution’s investigation, a
group of black editors from the press were called by Ngcuka, for an “off the
record briefing”. Ngcuka briefed them about the investigation and sought to
recruit them “in what I believe, was a furtherance of the conspiracy against
me”.
He said that after he was investigated, Shaik was charged and
Ngcuka said a decision was taken not to prosecute him as there was insufficient
evidence to prove his guilt.
However, Ngcuka’s announcement that the
Scorpions had prima facie evidence of wrongdoing by Zuma but would not be able
to secure a conviction took the humiliation to a new level.
The implication is that the man is guilty but covered his tracks well, he said.
*4
He said he was dismissed as deputy president as a result of
the two charges brought against him.
He believes that Mbeki could not
have made the decision to dismiss him simply because he was implicated in
Shaik’s conviction.
“I was not an accused and the Shaik trial’s outcome
was expected on the state’s version. If there was to be no prosecution, how
could my situation then ever be resolved?” he asked.
He said the charges
impacted severely on him as he lost the deputy presidency and is unemployed.
The present term of office of the ANC top structure ends in 2007.
The congress to elect new leadership will take place towards the end of
2007 and a pending trial will affect his chances of running.
“I have suffered very real and serious irremediable personal,
social, economic and trial prejudice both as a result of the delays and the
manner in which the prosecution has been conducted,” he said, adding that his
right to a fair trial has been significantly infringed. *5
The
state sought an adjournment because rulings on the legality of various search
and seizure applications are still pending and they need permission to seek
documentation from Thint’s Mauritius office.
Zuma said no one can
accurately predict the finalisation of these matters, which could take two
years.
With acknowledgements to Sharika Regchand and The Witness.
*1 Ad idem - I verily believe that,
from the outset, these investigations were not geared towards establishing
corruption in the arms deal.
Indeed I would go further, the investigation
as it was constituted was specifically designed to exonerate the
government.
*2 The classic straw man fallacy.
This is not what the deponent is being charged with, he is being charged with
being bribed in order to protect the briber from investigation and having their
contract annulled, not with influencing the selection
process.
*3 Another beautiful straw
man.
But what evidence could Mbeki provide to counter the confirmed
bribery agreement between Alain Thetard representing Accused No. 3 and deponent,
Accused No. 1 as witnessed and facilitated by convicted criminal Schabir
Shaikh.
*4 Actually, the implication is that the
man is guilty. Bulelani, at the behest of other among us, tried to do a deal
whereby the bagman was the fall guy, the Frenchman remained the free guy and the
French company retained their contract while on the other hand the guilty guy
kept a low profile for a long, long time time (at least until after
2009).
But no, what happens is that the guilty guy wants to be the main
big guy, the French guy disavows his previous affidavit and Bulelani can't take
the heat no more, no more. Meanwhile the du Plooy Twins, Downer, Steynberg and
The Bloodhound are having none of this nonsense and impress upon the new
National Director of Public Prosecutions that he needs to do what the law
commands him to do, i.e. where there is prima facie evidence to act without fear
or favour and let them prosecute.
*5 While others
have suffered very real and serious irremediable personal, social and economic
prejudice as a result of the conduct of the Accused in both the Zuma/Thint
trials and Shaikh trials.