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South African President Thabo Mbeki finds himself increasingly isolated. A tone of condemnation of Mbeki's presidency cuts across the political spectrum, with the harshest criticism emerging from within the ranks of the tripartite alliance.

An image of Mbeki as a dictator, routinely evoked by alliance partners and others in describing his tenure, is a far cry from Mark Gevisser's 1999 depiction of Mbeki at the beginning of his presidency as the prophet supreme, the astute strategist, the philosopher king, the reconciler who is forthright and pragmatic, able to appease and accommodate the communists, the Africanists and the high-flying capitalists.

Gevisser's picture was the product of wishful thinking, arguably necessary as Nelson Mandela loomed larger than life.

Economically, Mandela's presidency was not a success. South Africa remained the world's second most unequal society, after Brazil, and corruption had become endemic in government. HIV/Aids was beginning to wreak havoc in black communities.

Dealing with these challenges would require a leader with the wisdom of Solomon. If such an individual did not exist, it would be necessary to invent him/her. So began the making of Mbeki. The end product was an all-embracing solution - an anti-populist who was also a studious and reflective academic, an urbane democrat and incorruptible.

The reassuring image of a hands-on managerialist presidency was vital to boost business and investor confidence. Mbeki became the victim of image-making as he began to live the part.

Mbeki spent time diverting attention from his weaknesses, levelling accusations against a range of people both inside and outside the organisation, insisting on blind obedience, and ensuring that his views were not questioned. The ANC was reduced to a party run by cliques and committees made up of individuals beholden to him.

Mbeki's stroke of genius was in neutralising potential critics, the educated class, by co-opting them into this personal project. As Gevisser correctly observed, it was important "not only to grow a black middle class but to find a way of bringing it into the ruling elite and to hold it there with a set of policies (black economic empowerment) and an ideological frame (Africanism) which resonates with its own aspirations".

Mbeki's performance on key issues has been lacklustre. He was billed as a crime buster, an anti-corruption crusader, a deliverer of jobs, an entrencher of democracy, and an ardent contributor to the non-racial project. The reality of his rule suggests otherwise. Political membership takes precedence over competence and political independence.

In addition, he has fallen short in nation-building and reconciliation. His strong opinions about how he believes whites perceive Africans betray a troubled soul. His attempts to airbrush the likes of Robert Sobukwe, Chris Hani, Zephania Mothopeng and Steve Biko out of history invited a stinging rebuke from journalist Abbey Makoe in a piece titled, "Mbeki how can you forget them?"

HIV/Aids is probably Mbeki's biggest failure. His government had to be hauled before the courts before it would provide anti-retroviral drugs to HIV-positive patients.

Buoyed by Jacob Zuma's travails with the law, Mbeki has displayed an exaggerated confidence in the independence of the judiciary. Yet his government introduced a package of draft bills "fundamentally incompatible with the separation of powers and the independence of the judiciary", as DA MP Sheila Camerer told Business Day.

The intervention by Mandela acted as a catalyst to Mbeki announcing that he would not run for a third term as president of South Africa, although he has declared his availability for a third term as president of the ANC.

Crony capitalism grew under Mbeki's regime. He now castigates those intent on being instant millionaires. Yet his presidency has promoted the black elite and given it unbridled space to reign.

His anti-corruption crusade is recent and convenient. He led the attack against those who called for an investigation into the arms deal and ensured that corruption-busting judge Willem Heath was excluded from the investigation.

Mbeki has attempted to reinvent himself. But in the end, he is arguably the architect of his own downfall.

The full version of this article appears in Focus 45 (March 2007).

Focus is published by The Helen Suzman Foundation, tel +27 11 646 0150, info@hsf.org.za

With acknowledgements to Sipho Seep and The Helen Suzman Foundation.