Publication: Mail and Guardian Issued: Date: 2008-02-16 Reporter: Sam Sole Reporter: Stefaans Brummer

Whiff of Rot in Angolan Arms Deal

 

Publication 

Mail and Guardian
Date

2008-02-16

Reporter

 Sam Sole, Stefaans Brümmer

Web Link

www.mg.co.za


 

German prosecutors turn spotlight on key actor in the SA weapons imbroglio

A key figure *1 from South Africa's scandal plagued arms deal is embroiled in a new investigation by German prosecutors involving Thyssen Krupp Marine Systems (TMKS), the company that led the consortium supplying four corvettes to the SA Navy.

Former Rear Admiral Johnny Kamerman, who was project director for the SA corvette acquisition programme, features prominently in a new probe by the Dusseldorf Prosecutors office - the same authority that is investigating allegations of corruption in the SA deal.

The German magazine Der Spiegel reported on Monday that investigators probing the South African matter had come across indications of corruption in a proposed deal to sell one corvette and three coastal patrol vessels to the Angolan navy.

Although Kamerman, who now works for TKMS, is not a suspect, information obtained by the Mail & Guardian indicates he played a key role in marketing the 700 million Euro deal to the Angolans.

A source close to the German naval industry also claimed that Kamerman's premises had been searched in raids carried out last year as part of the Dusseldorf investigations and his laptop computer had been seized.

The same source said he believed important information on the South African deal had also been obtained from Kamerman's laptop, together with details about South African military technologies and developments *2.

In August 2006 Kamerman had been a senior member of a TKMS delegation that presented a "budgetary offer" to Angolans during a two day visit to Luanda.

Kamerman had recently been appointed Vice President Sales of TKMS.

The appointment had been made quite suddenly while Kamerman was apparently still in Germany where he had posted by the SA Navy to manage the corvette handover in the South African deal.

In November 2006 Kamerman also hosted an Angolan delegation's visit to the Blohm & Voss shipyards of TKMS in Hamburg and a lunch for the Angolan Ambassador to Germany, General Alberto "Kabulo" Ribeiro - a man considered close to the powerful Angolan minister for military affairs General Manuel Hélder Vieira Dias "Kopelipa".

The German probe has apparently identified three suspects in the Angolan matter, though the investigation is considered to be on shaky legal ground, given that no deal has yet been struck.

Two sources told the M&G that German prosecutors had in September last year offered TKMS a plea bargain in the South African deal which included a large fine and an offer to drop the Angolan probe.

It is understood that TKMS rejected the offer. The company has always maintained it's (sic) innocence, but observers say TKMS probably also balked at an admission of guilt that could trigger huge penalties in terms of the supply agreements for the SA Navy.

The SA contracts make provision for a penalty of up to 10% of the contract price if a seller or its representatives are convicted of corruption in relation to the SA deal.

Kamerman's revolving door *5 move from managing the acquisition process for the buyer - the SA Navy, to hired gun for the seller, TKMS, is also highly controversial.

The supply contracts make provision for an eight year ban on sellers employing any SA National Defence Force member who played a role in the process, without the written consent of the Chief of the SANDF.

Kamerman's TKMS employment fell within this period and the Navy has confirmed to the M&G that no such permission was granted to him.

Attempts to get the ministry of defence to explain why no action had been taken regarding this breach in the supply contract proved fruitless.

In response to M&G questions, TKMS confirmed that the Dusseldorf public prosecutor had been conducting "preliminary investigations" relating to the Angolan matter since mid-2006.

"The prosecutors are investigating allegations of a violation of international anti-corruption law.

Searches have been conducted as part of these preliminary investigations."

It said that while the investigations were aimed at "a number of company employees", members of the executive board were not among them *3.

"We have a high level of interest in the complete clarification of the allegations and have formed a work group which is examining them with the help of external experts. We are cooperating fully with the public prosecutor.

"ThyssenKrupp Marine Systems assumes, based on the internal examinations, that the allegations will not be confirmed by the public prosecutor's investigations."

With acknowledgements to Sam Sole, Stefaans Brümmer and Mail and Guardian.


*1       A key figure indeed.

My, my, my.

And so few people believed me way back in 2000.

The same way that the Angolan version would have been a dirty deal (had they not decided on an alternative supplier), but the South African "patrol corvette" (read frigate) deal was equally dirty, actually far more dirty - because it involved a stitch up in advance by the South African Government, plus bribing of the Government's representatives, plus bribing the Chief of Acquisitions, plus the whole pre-arranged Thabo Mbeki/Thomson-CSF part of the deal under the auspices of the stitched up German preferred bidder.

It's quite sickening.


*2       In August 2001 Kamerman virulently accused me of putting national security in jeopardy by allegedly giving classified documents to the press  to the press.

In 7 years and despite vigourous attempts neither Kamerman nor the DoD have been able to even properly identify such documents.

The DoD has been ostensibly carrying on a formal investigation into the matter since late 2001, but despite dozens of direct enquiries to it and indirect enquiries to the Public Protector, the DoD has never been able to produce anything, let alone any evidence.

This is because the allegations are untrue.

In any case, even if it were true, the documents vaguely referred to are only classified as restricted and contain only historical and factual information relating to the acquisition process of the corvette.

But it stung because when I lawfully (i.e. with formal ministerial permission) used copies of documents, it proved, inter alia, that Kamerman's boss VAdm Robert Simpson-Anderson was a big liar.

But if it is true that Kamerman's laptop computer he uses at ThyssenKrupp Marine Systems contains "important information on the South African deal" and "details about South African military technologies and developments" then this is truly military sensitive information protected under the Protection of Information Act.

A case of the pot calling the kettle black has probably never been so clear since Benjamin Franklin harnessed electricity to boil water. *6


*3      Members of the Executive Board are not the one's designated to actually offer the bribe or hand over the cash.

But they certainly know about it because these are huge amounts and are worked into the pricing and the overall finances of the project.

Also the Members of the Executive Board take all responsibility on behalf of the company for its conduct.

So even if the individuals are found not guilty the company as a juristic person is still guilty.


**5*6   A case of the revolving door seldom seen as revolting as this.

But once the four "patrol corvettes" had been delivered to the SA Navy, our DoD and higher up were surely as keen to get one of the last survivors of the original acquisition team as many arms lengths away as possible.


Key Arms Deal Corvette Acquisition Personnel Moving On (approximate date)

MoD DoD SA Navy Armscor
Indeed, of the original relevant persons, only the following remain :

DoD/SAN Armscor
[observations/comments/refutations/rebuttals/criticism welcome]