Publication: Cape Argus Issued: Date: 2008-09-23 Reporter: Siyabonga Mkhwanazi Reporter: Karyn Maughan

MPs Rally Behind Mbeki's Court Bid

 

Publication 

Cape Argus

Date

2008-09-23

Reporter Siyabonga Mkhwanazi, Karyn Maughan

Web Link

www.capeargus.co.za


Staff Reporters

Public Enterprises Minister Alec Erwin is understood to be actively lobbying the executive to join President Thabo Mbeki's court Constitutional Court challenge to the Pietermaritzburg High Court ruling that suggested he had interfered in the prosecution of ANC leader Jacob Zuma.

The Cape Argus has reliably learnt that Erwin, a staunch supporter of Mbeki, has campaigned among his Cabinet colleagues that they rally around the sacked president and join his application against Judge Chris Nicholson's finding that there was "political meddling" in Zuma's criminal prosecution.

But Erwin's spokeswoman, Vimla Maistry, was non-committal about the claim that her boss was lobbying the Cabinet.

"We can't confirm anything. The president is effectively resigning on Thursday. Any statement the minister would like to make will be through the Presidency," said Maistry.

Currently there is only confirmation that Justice Minister Brigitte Mabandla and Mbeki's Director-General Frank Chikane have given their affidavits in support of the outgoing president's application.

ANC spokeswoman Jessie Duarte said they saw no problem in Mbeki's challenge in the highest court in the land. "Every South African citizen who has a grievance has a right to approach the Constitutional Court. There is no problem in this," asked Duarte.

A senior ANC Youth League leader warned: "While the ANCYL respects Mbeki's right to legal recourse, he will be making a fundamental mistake if his intention is to ensure that Jacob Zuma is recharged."

Cosatu secretary-general Zwelinzima Vavi shared Duarte's view that Mbeki was entitled to exercise his right to seek redress in court.

"All citizens have a right to clear their name in court if they feel they have been prejudiced. We are not going to hang ourselves about this. The country has to move on," said Vavi.

Mbeki claims that Judge Nicholson's multiple and "vexatious, scandalous and prejudicial" findings against him had effectively cost him his job and damaged his good name and reputation, without the judge, or "most importantly, the general public", ever hearing his side of the story. *1

This, Mbeki says, is a clear violation of his constitutional rights and those of Mabandla and former justice minister Penuell Ma-duna, who Judge Nicholson suggested had improperly interfered with the National Prosecuting Authority's work.

Mbeki, who has gone to the Constitutional Court in both his personal and official capacity, has asked that Judge Nicholson's findings be declared unconstitutional and set aside.

Pointing out that Zuma's application before the Pietermaritzburg High Court was mainly concerned with the NPA's failure to seek his representations before recharging him, Mbeki said it was "not necessary" for the judge "to make the findings I am appealing against".

Legal expert advocate Paul Hoffman, of the Centre for Constitutional Rights in Cape Town, said Mbeki may be procedurally wrong on a number of counts for ap-proaching the Constitutional Court.

"He could have approached the court at any stage to say that his integrity, the propriety of his action as head of state and the constitutionality of his and the Cabinet's relations with the NPA were under discussion, that he was concerned that an adverse finding could be made - and he therefore wanted to have his own representation in this," he said.

He said that instead of ap-proaching the Constitutional Court, Mbeki could, instead, petition Judge Nicholson on why he should be allowed to make his own submission on why the judgment should be overturned on appeal. - Additional reporting by Murray Williams.

With acknowledgements to Siyabonga Mkhwanazi, Karyn Maughan and Cape Argus.



*1       Mbeki had every opportunity to be involved in the Zuma application, but was caught by the most monstrous surprise of the judgment.

The judge surely got it right that there was political interference with the 2003 decision not to charge Zuma, but then he got it wrong that there was political interference with the 2005 and 2007 decisions to charge Zuma.

There was very clear evidence of the 2003 interference, but there is no evidence of interference in the 2005 and 2007 decisions. It is a non-sequiter.

The 2005 and 2007 decisions to charge Zuma were made by the NPA after :
Although he is a complete dingbat, Mbeki is suffering the prejudice of an erroneous judgment because the NPA were too coy to tell the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth.

NPA were too coy to tell the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth because then Mbeki would suffer the deserved prejudice of being exposed as making a deal to protect himself, the ANC and Zuma from investigation and prosecution in what should have been the Shaik/Zuma/Thomson-CSF trial as well as his conduct regarding the award of the corvette combat suite to Thomson-CSF and African Defence Systems (Pty) Ltd.

Remember another thing that everyone including the NPA is too coy about : that is discussing the real reason why Thomson-CSF bribed Zuma so that the latter would give them protection during the Arms Deal investigation.

The real reason is not because Thomson-CSF used Zuma to sort out its local partnering with Shaik and his Nkobi Holdings. That is hardly unlawful, just a little unlawful.

The real reason is because Thomson-CSF used Mbeki and Chippy Shaik to sort out its local partnering as well as to secure the R2,599 billion corvette combat suite contract without any competition, effectively up to two years before the contract was signed and at vastly inflated price *2. That is hardly lawful, just massively unlawful.


*1      On the documentary record this price should have been R1,47 billion (1998 Rands) or R1,90 billion (1999 Rands), at most R2,2 billion (1999 Rands) after Thomson-CSF got negotiating exclusivity and introduced the notion of massive risk (which has been proven not to have existed).

Thomson-CSF ended up delivering about half the original scope of the combat suite for nearly double the price.

It got paid a massive amount for its French Tavitac NT-based combat management system @ about R350 million (the local and stipulated ADS system was about R150 million).

It got paid a massive amount for its French programme management and system integration @ about R600 million (the local and stipulated ADS effort was about R150 million).

It appears that indeed only one Exocet MM40 Block II anti-ship missile was actually purchased using project funds and the balance of 16 Exocet MM40 (about half being older generation Block I) were acquired on lease from either the French Navy or from Aerospatiale only to be paid for when used.

The above conduct is unlawful, indeed fraudulent.

It is Mbeki's legacy.

It is Chief Director Shamim Shaik's legacy.

It is VAdm Robert Simpson-Anderson's legacy.

It is RAdm Andrew Howell's legacy.

It is RAdm(JG) Jonathan Edwin Gold Kamerman's legacy *3.

The Kamerman-Klas Korvette.


Kamerman's brother once related that his brother was in a difficult position because Mbeki had called him and Simpson-Anderson before him to instruct them how to proceed with the corvette acquisition *4.


*4      The Process

Bring in the Germans from the cold at No. 5 to the warm at No. 2;

Get Chippy to arrange a US$22 million commission for the ANC and a US$3 million bribe for himself to kick out the Spanish at No.1 and replace their product with the substantially more expensive MEKO 200AS.

Placate the French for not winning any other major component by giving them the R2,599 billion (1999 Rands) corvette combat suite without any competition, but allow them to delivery half the scope of specified supply.

Allow the price of the corvette combat suite to escalate from R1,90 billion (1999 Rands) to R2,599 billion (1999 Rands).

Allow the price of the corvette to escalate from R6,001 billion (1998 Rands) corvette combat suite to R6,873 billion (1999 Rands).

Delay the acquisition of the organic maritime helicopters by three years so as to befuddle the public that the original total budget was being met.

Acquire the anti-ship missile (which will have cost tens of millions of Rands) by lease rather than outright purchase (which would have cost about R800 million).

Ensure the French paid R300 million to R400 million in kickbacks.

Otherwise Mbeki is a great guy.

That is, unless we want to start analysing the submarine acquisition.

And the Airbus A400M acquisition.

And the Sealift acquisition attempt from ThyssenKrupp Marine Systems.

Tell me it ain't so.