Publication: Cape Argus
Issued:
Date: 2008-09-23
Reporter: Siyabonga Mkhwanazi
Reporter: Karyn Maughan
MPs Rally Behind Mbeki's Court Bid
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Publication |
Cape Argus
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Date |
2008-09-23
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Reporter |
Siyabonga Mkhwanazi, Karyn Maughan |
Web Link
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www.capeargus.co.za
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Staff Reporters
Public Enterprises Minister Alec Erwin is understood to be actively lobbying the
executive to join President Thabo Mbeki's court Constitutional Court challenge
to the Pietermaritzburg High Court ruling that suggested he had interfered in
the prosecution of ANC leader Jacob Zuma.
The Cape Argus has reliably learnt that Erwin, a staunch supporter of Mbeki, has
campaigned among his Cabinet colleagues that they rally around the sacked
president and join his application against Judge Chris Nicholson's finding that
there was "political meddling" in Zuma's criminal prosecution.
But Erwin's spokeswoman, Vimla Maistry, was non-committal about the claim that
her boss was lobbying the Cabinet.
"We can't confirm anything. The president is effectively resigning on Thursday.
Any statement the minister would like to make will be through the Presidency,"
said Maistry.
Currently there is only confirmation that Justice Minister Brigitte Mabandla and
Mbeki's Director-General Frank Chikane have given their affidavits in support of
the outgoing president's application.
ANC spokeswoman Jessie Duarte said they saw no problem in Mbeki's challenge in
the highest court in the land. "Every South African citizen who has a grievance
has a right to approach the Constitutional Court. There is no problem in this,"
asked Duarte.
A senior ANC Youth League leader warned: "While the ANCYL respects Mbeki's right
to legal recourse, he will be making a fundamental mistake
if his intention is to ensure that Jacob Zuma is recharged."
Cosatu secretary-general Zwelinzima Vavi shared Duarte's view that Mbeki was
entitled to exercise his right to seek redress in court.
"All citizens have a right to clear their name in court if they feel they have
been prejudiced. We are not going to hang ourselves about this. The country has
to move on," said Vavi.
Mbeki claims that Judge Nicholson's multiple and
"vexatious, scandalous and prejudicial" findings against him had effectively
cost him his job and damaged his good name and reputation, without the judge, or
"most importantly, the general public", ever hearing his side of the story. *1
This, Mbeki says, is a clear violation of his constitutional rights and
those of Mabandla and former justice minister Penuell Ma-duna, who Judge
Nicholson suggested had improperly interfered with the National Prosecuting
Authority's work.
Mbeki, who has gone to the Constitutional Court in both his personal and
official capacity, has asked that Judge Nicholson's findings be declared
unconstitutional and set aside.
Pointing out that Zuma's application before the Pietermaritzburg High Court was
mainly concerned with the NPA's failure to seek his representations before
recharging him, Mbeki said it was "not necessary" for the judge "to make the
findings I am appealing against".
Legal expert advocate Paul Hoffman, of the Centre for Constitutional Rights in
Cape Town, said Mbeki may be procedurally wrong on a number of counts for
ap-proaching the Constitutional Court.
"He could have approached the court at any stage to say that his integrity, the
propriety of his action as head of state and the constitutionality of his and
the Cabinet's relations with the NPA were under discussion, that he was
concerned that an adverse finding could be made - and he therefore wanted to
have his own representation in this," he said.
He said that instead of ap-proaching the Constitutional Court, Mbeki could,
instead, petition Judge Nicholson on why he should be allowed to make his own
submission on why the judgment should be overturned on appeal. - Additional
reporting by Murray Williams.
With acknowledgements to Siyabonga
Mkhwanazi, Karyn Maughan and Cape Argus.
*1 Mbeki had every opportunity to be
involved in the Zuma application, but was caught by the most monstrous surprise
of the judgment.
The judge surely got it right that there was political interference with the
2003 decision not to charge Zuma, but then he got it wrong that there was
political interference with the 2005 and 2007 decisions to charge Zuma.
There was very clear evidence of the 2003 interference, but there is no evidence
of interference in the 2005 and 2007 decisions. It is a non-sequiter.
The 2005 and 2007 decisions to charge Zuma were made by the NPA after :
- its clearest of successes in its case against Schabir Shaik; and
- further evidence after its 2005 searches and seizures where 93 000 pages
of relevant and incriminating documentary evidence were found.
Although he is a complete dingbat, Mbeki is suffering the prejudice of an
erroneous judgment because the NPA were too coy to tell the truth, the whole
truth and nothing but the truth.
NPA were too coy to tell the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth
because then Mbeki would suffer the deserved prejudice of being exposed as
making a deal to protect himself, the ANC and Zuma from investigation and
prosecution in what should have been the Shaik/Zuma/Thomson-CSF trial as well as
his conduct regarding the award of the corvette combat suite to Thomson-CSF and
African Defence Systems (Pty) Ltd.
Remember another thing that everyone including the NPA is too coy about : that
is discussing the real reason why Thomson-CSF bribed Zuma so that the latter
would give them protection during the Arms Deal investigation.
The real reason is not because Thomson-CSF used Zuma to sort out its local
partnering with Shaik and his Nkobi Holdings. That is hardly unlawful, just a
little unlawful.
The real reason is because Thomson-CSF used Mbeki and Chippy Shaik to sort out
its local partnering as well as to secure the R2,599 billion corvette combat
suite contract without any competition, effectively up to two years before the
contract was signed and at vastly inflated price *2. That is hardly lawful, just
massively unlawful.
*1 On the documentary record this price should have been
R1,47 billion (1998 Rands) or R1,90 billion (1999 Rands), at most R2,2 billion
(1999 Rands) after Thomson-CSF got negotiating exclusivity and introduced the
notion of massive risk (which has been proven not to have existed).
Thomson-CSF ended up delivering about half the original scope of the combat
suite for nearly double the price.
It got paid a massive amount for its French Tavitac NT-based combat management
system @ about R350 million (the local and stipulated ADS system was about R150
million).
It got paid a massive amount for its French programme management and system
integration @ about R600 million (the local and stipulated ADS effort was about
R150 million).
It appears that indeed only one Exocet MM40 Block II anti-ship missile was
actually purchased using project funds and the balance of 16 Exocet MM40 (about
half being older generation Block I) were acquired on lease from either the
French Navy or from Aerospatiale only to be paid for when used.
The above conduct is unlawful, indeed fraudulent.
It is Mbeki's legacy.
It is Chief Director Shamim Shaik's legacy.
It is VAdm Robert Simpson-Anderson's legacy.
It is RAdm Andrew Howell's legacy.
It is RAdm(JG) Jonathan Edwin Gold Kamerman's legacy *3.
The Kamerman-Klas Korvette.
Kamerman's brother once related that his brother was in a difficult position
because Mbeki had called him and Simpson-Anderson before him to instruct them
how to proceed with the corvette acquisition *4.
*4 The Process
Bring in the Germans from the cold at No. 5 to the warm at No. 2;
Get Chippy to arrange a US$22 million commission for the ANC and a US$3 million
bribe for himself to kick out the Spanish at No.1 and replace their product with
the substantially more expensive MEKO 200AS.
Placate the French for not winning any other major component by giving them the
R2,599 billion (1999 Rands) corvette combat suite without any competition, but
allow them to delivery half the scope of specified supply.
Allow the price of the corvette combat suite to escalate from R1,90 billion
(1999 Rands) to R2,599 billion (1999 Rands).
Allow the price of the corvette to escalate from R6,001 billion (1998 Rands)
corvette combat suite to R6,873 billion (1999 Rands).
Delay the acquisition of the organic maritime helicopters by three years so as
to befuddle the public that the original total budget was being met.
Acquire the anti-ship missile (which will have cost tens of millions of Rands)
by lease rather than outright purchase (which would have cost about R800
million).
Ensure the French paid R300 million to R400 million in kickbacks.
Otherwise Mbeki is a great guy.
That is, unless we want to start analysing the submarine acquisition.
And the Airbus A400M acquisition.
And the Sealift acquisition attempt from ThyssenKrupp Marine Systems.
Tell me it ain't so.