Publication: Cape Argus Issued: Date: 2009-01-13 Reporter: Murray Williams

Zuma - The Latest

 

Publication 

Cape Argus

Date

2009-01-13

Reporter Murray Williams

Web Link

www.capeargus.co.za



The ANC is poised to launch its own legal rescue bid *1 to ensure party president Jacob Zuma never goes on trial to face graft charges.

The ANC’s decision to step more actively into the fray comes amid yesterday’s sensational Supreme Court of Appeal judgment that overturned Judge Chris Nicholson’s ruling in favour of the ANC president.

While the legal fraternity weighed up the choices open to Zuma in the wake of the ruling, the ANC’s Mathews Phosa confirmed this morning that it was ready to launch a legal bid to have a stay of prosecution granted.

And a senior ANC source told the Cape Argus today: “The ANC feels that this case is increasingly undermining our own constitutional rights *2. It constantly tries to impact on who is our president, and who is our presidential candidate for the national elections.

“ANC lawyers have been instructed to actively and directly to become involved.”

This means that the NPA could from now have to fend off dual appeals by both Zuma and the ANC.

Both Zuma and the ANC’s NEC have secured the services of one the country’s toughest anti-arms deal figures *3, corruption-busting Judge Willem Heath, to help keep Zuma out of the dock. Heath has been working quietly with Zuma for the past four years.

The ANC is also believed to be listening particularly closely to US-educated Paul Ngobeni, the Deputy Registrar of Legal Services at UCT, who insists it would be impossible for Zuma to have a fair trial.

Speaking exclusively to the Cape Argus, Heath yesterday denied that he had performed a gamekeeper-turned-poacher switch.

“I have been hired to assist the NEC in understanding all the issues pertaining to the case against Mr Zuma, to advise them on what matters they should debate with Mr Zuma,” Heath explained.

He stressed he was not part of Zuma’s defence team, but served to advise both Zuma and the NEC on the arms deal’s complexities.

Heath acknowledged that he was ideally placed to offer expert advice because of his initial work on the arms deal *4. He was later ordered off the case and his Heath Special Investigating Unit was controversially shut down by then-President Thabo Mbeki.

This was only after Heath had received voluminous representations on the arms deal from key sources *5, and had dealt extensively with three of the state’s key agencies – the NPA, the Auditor-General and the Public Protector.

Heath said he had studied closely the 98-page indictment against Zuma on corruption, fraud, racketeering and tax evasion charges and said particular notice should be paid to Judge Louis Harms’s mention yesterday that Zuma should not automatically be seen to be guilty after Schabir Shaik’s conviction – because their “intentions may have been different”.

“If Judge Squires had had the benefit of the defence that Mr Zuma could have offered, he might well have reached different conclusions,” Heath argued.

Commenting this morning, Ngobeni confirmed to the Cape Argus that he had spent “a considerable amount of time conducting extensive research into the constitutional violations” involved in Zuma’s case.

“Even persons who obviously dislike Zuma, who want to see him gone, would have to acknowledge that arguments about constitutional violations are valid. By going public and saying there was a prima facie case against him – by branding him a ‘guilty man walking’ – in other countries that would doom the case.

There was no need (for former NPA head Bulelani Ngcuka) to brand him in public.”

Ngobeni said an unfair trial ruling would not require the suggestion that a judge would be incapable of making a fair ruling.

“It’s not because we don’t have good judges – they are second to none, and they could push all the newspaper articles aside and view the evidence subjectively.

“Instead, it's because, by branding the man publicly, there is a perception of guilt in the minds of the public,” Ngobeni said.
“The NPA's tactics have so polluted the atmosphere that Zuma's chances of a fair trial are nil.

“It it based on the widespread doctrine of abuse of process and is recognised in the UK and all Commonwealth countries.”

It is this specific argument that the ANC is known to be taking special interest in.

The ANC also defending its decision to recall president Thabo Mbeki in the wake of the Nicholson ruling.

Spokesman Carl Niehaus said: “The NEC discussed the position of Mbeki for almost 18 hours. Of that, the judgement of Nicholson took about 45 minutes. *6

The major issues were the breakdown in the relationship between the executive and the ruling party.”

Speaking further on the arms deal yesterday, Heath told the Cape Argus that he remained adamant that anyone guilty of arms deal corruption, including Zuma, should be prosecuted - if there was suffient evidence.

The National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) yesterday again dismissed speculation that the state was negotiating a legal deal with Zuma’s lawyers and said that the effect of the “correct” ruling was that the ANC president was still an accused. NPA spokesperson Tlali Tlali said that only a date for his next appearance in court was under discussion.

The NPA confirmed today that Zuma’s lawyers had informed them that they planned to make formal representations in connection with the charges.

Opposition parties welcomed yesterday’s judgment and urged the NPA to continue the legal process and to “give Zuma his day in court”.

Democratic Alliance leader Helen Zille also called on Zuma to step aside in his bid for the presidency.

Party insiders believe this route would be too divisive for the party, which has already seen a split after its decision to dismiss former President Thabo Mbeki.

In addition, sources suggested that die-hard alliance supporters of Zumas have already ensured that those who were in favour of a compromise presidential candidate have been squashed.

Businessman and one-time presidential aspirant Tokyo Sexwale was apparently quizzed about the revival of a third way “movement”.

 – Additional Reporting by Christelle Terreblanche and Moshoeshoe Monare

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With acknowledgements to
Murray Williams and Cape Argus.
 

*1      This sounds implausible.

The ANC surely does not have locus standi to interfere in the case.

A political party does not have an absolute inalienable right to field any particular candidate of its choice.

If a candidate is disqualified for any legal reason, especially a reason of his own making, the party can choose another qualifying candidate.

*2      There cannot be such a constitutional right.

*3      Heath may be tough, but he is not close to being one of the country's toughest anti-arms deal figures.

In fact, in my opinion Heath went very soft indeed on the Arms Deal.

Tell me this ain't so.

*4      The SIU headed by Heath covertly collected some information on the Arms Deal between September 1999 and January 2001.

On 18 January Thabo Mbeki went very public and announced that he declined to issue a proclamation to the SIU to investigate the Arms Deal.


*5      All the information that the SIU had gathered on the Arms Deal, was then handed over to the Auditor-General.

This information was not very much, around 2 400 pages.

Of these more, than half were supplied were supplied by me. Others were supplied by Patricia de Lille, some by some members of parliament who were themselves investigating  the Arms Deal, some from the Auditor-General's initial 2000 Special Review into the Arms Deal and some were clearly supplied by Armscor (maybe not directly).

*6      Like I've said before, the Nicholson judgment is small potatoes.

What did the ANC discuss about Mbeki for the other 17½ hours? The Arms Deal and Mbeki's unlawful involvement therein, especially with Thomson-CSF, but also with Thyssen TRT and Ferrostaal, three very large and hot potatoes.

When he knew he could not extricate himself, he jumped rather than being pushed.

But in reality he was pushed.