Arms and the man who would be king |
Publication |
Sunday Times |
Date | 2013-03-24 |
Reporter |
Stephan Hofstatter, Mzilikazi wa Afrika , |
Denial: Ivor Ichikowitz says that he does not
sell arms to dictators
I'm doing this because I want to make
a difference
ARMS dealer Ivor Ichikowitz, regarded as
being close to
several ANC heavyweights, including
President Jacob Zuma, is poised to buy an ailing
hi-tech weapons manufacturer in a deal that
would make him the most influential supplier of
combat and peacekeeping hardware on the
continent.
The Sunday Times has established that Ichikowitz
who was linked to entities investigated for
arms control violations and attempted bribery
will bail out Advanced Technologies &
Engineering (ATE).
But Ichikowitz, in an interview with the Sunday
Times, rejected the label of “lord of war”,
saying he was in the business of “protecting
democracies”.
“There are those who play the ‘lord of war’
game, but one of the reasons I’m in this
business is to push those people out,” he said.
The role of his company, Paramount, was to bring
peace and security to Africa, he said.
“We choose who we do
business with very carefully. I’m doing
this because I want
to make a difference*1.”
He said Paramount had never broken any arms
control laws or sold weapons to dictators.
ATE, which designed hi-tech weapons and
navigation systems for the Rooivalk attack
helicopter and the Hawk fighter trainer jet,
faced being liquidated by creditors, including
Eurocopter and Investec bank, for debts of some
R300-million. The
bailout of ATE, details of which are being kept
under wraps, will give Ichikowitz’s
company unprecedented access to some of the most
advanced weaponry in the world.
The bailout could revive ATE deals worth
billions to upgrade Russian and Chinese jets and
helicopters with Western laser guided-missile
and night-vision capabilities to be sold to
African and Middle Eastern clients.
Ichikowitz said the deal was as good as done,
pending the approval of ATE’s creditors. “This
is a good-news story*2. ATE is a real jewel, a
national asset*3. "This company cannot
be allowed to fail.”
The deal will bring together companies belonging
to two of the most controversial figures in the
South African arms industry.
Pizano, a French engineer who worked at the
Mirage fighter jet manufacturer Dassault, set up
ATE in Pretoria in the mid-1980s,
raising suspicions
that he had helped the apartheid government
circumvent sanctions.
He was later accused of introducing Schabir
Shaik to key players in the French arms industry
and helping him to set up the Nkobi group of
companies, an alleged front of the ANC.
He won a court battle last year when he rejected
a plan proposed by a business rescue
practitioner, Karl Gribnitz. But in court papers
Gribnitz accused him of running the company as a
“Ponzi scheme”
by using money advanced for certain projects to
pay unrelated costs, including those of his
lavish lifestyle.
He said allegations that he had looted his
company were “absolutely not true” and that
ATE’s financial crises stemmed from major
contracts falling through.
According to court papers, these included a
R5-billion deal to equip cheap Chinese jet
fighters made in Pakistan with French missiles,
and a R2-billion deal to upgrade 40 Russian
transport and attack helicopters with Rooivalk-style
guided missiles and cannons.
Pizano denied involvement in apartheid
sanctions-busting or arms-deal corruption. He
had been to Malaysia
with Shaik several times to “explore
business opportunities in the field of avionics
integration, [but] did not entertain any other
dealings with Shaik”.
Ichikowitz attracted the most controversy for
reportedly partnering with Sandi Majali’s
company, Imvume, an alleged
ANC front company,
when it was involved in the oil-for-food
programme with Iraq.
Majali was later found to have paid bribes for
oil allocations from Iraq. Imvume was found to
have diverted an
R11-million payment from the state oil
company, PetroSA, to
the ANC to fund the 2004 elections.
Meanwhile, two Ichikowitz companies, The Virlean
Initiative (TVI) and Mechanology Design Bureau (MDB),
were accused in a 2005 investigation
commissioned by the Defence Department of
entering army bases and stripping armoured
vehicles without authorisation and violating
arms control rules in exports to several
countries, including Angola and Ghana.
In one incident, an MDB official dropped off “a
gift comprising a weekend breakaway and cash,
amount unknown, to my private abode ”, according
to a sworn statement
by an army colonel.
The report, by First Consulting, recommended
that TVI’s and MDB’s offices be raided and that
Paramount be investigated. But no further action
was taken after a parallel investigation
commissioned by Armscor apparently cleared all
parties.
Armscor failed to supply the Sunday Times with
the report by forensic accountants Gobodo,
despite repeated requests.
Ichikowitz companies were also cited in a 2007
business proposal, seen by the Sunday Times, for
a mining venture in the wartorn eastern
Democratic Republic of Congo with the Makabuza
family, whose members have been accused of
illegal arms trading and funding a rebel group
charged with war crimes.
Ichikowitz dismissed this as a “desperate
attempt to dig up dirt to smear my good name”.
The First Consulting investigation was prompted
by squabbles between the Defence Department and
the Armscor board, he said. The allegations
against Mechanology “were investigated and found
to have no substance”.
The Congo proposal was made independently by his
mining team. “After the team had done a due
diligence, it was decided not to proceed, and to
end all involvement with the DRC.”
He said that there was nothing untoward about
being a “vocal
supporter” and funder of the ANC*4. “But
this was never conditional. Majali was
part of the
fundraising structures for the ANC and I
was helping out. I never hid it.”
It will also give Paramount access to ATE
contracts with the South African military,
including the Hawk fighter trainers,
communications systems for Oryx helicopters and
drones.
Paramount is understood to be mooting the
acquisition of a
hitech shipbuilding firm*5 too.
ATE chairman Jean-Marc Pizano said he was “not
at liberty to discuss the business affairs of
ATE ” because his company was “under supervision
in business rescue”.
I walked away from Gaddafi
IN EARLY 2010, arms dealer
Ivor Ichikowitz was sitting in a tent discussing
a R2-billion arms deal with the Libyan dictator
Muammar Gaddafi*6 (left).
“But, after listening to Gaddafi rant in his
tent, I decided there’ s no way we will move
forward with this transaction,” he said.
He walked out and immediately called his
officials in South Africa to tell them the deal
was off.
Ten months later, Gaddafi was ordering
snipers*7 and
helicopter gunships to fire on protesters and
vowing to “cleanse Libya house by house” of the
rebels trying to topple him. Had the deal gone
ahead, Gaddafi would no doubt have used
Paramount’ s weapons on his own people.
With acknowledgement to Stephan Hofstatter, Mzilikazi wa Afrika,
Rob Rose and Sunday Times.
*1
Those are my principles.
*2
*3
It was a excellent vehicle for getting wonga out
of the fiscus into the hands of the trough
fillers and then into the snouts trough feeders.
Didn't matter if those were Nat snouts or AC
snouts.
ATE's first big claim to fame was the avionics
for the Rooivalk combat support helicopters.
Rooivalk has been a dismal story from day 1 and
cost the country tens of billions of Rands.
I'm not sure that the avionics are any great
shakes either.
Now they are very, very dated.
After Rooivalk ATE got the largest subcontract
in the Ams Deal; all of R500 million in 1999
Rands. It would have made at least R100 million
nett profit.
Yet in less than 10 years it is bankrupt.
Lavish spender with a £6-million property in
London.
So the Arms Deal nett profit paid for the London
pad and made the perfect poop.
Ponzi schemes indeed.
Now the ANC sugar daddy gets the perfect scoop.
The snouts must be all aquivering in
anticipation.
*4
Because vocal supporters and funders of the ANC
are the only one's who can't do the work, but
get the contracts.
Here's looking at Schabir and Julius and FBS and
Chancellor House and many more.
*5
Teamed with more Gauls from DCNS.
Watch this space for Project Biro.
*6
It's a bit like Asher Khan sitting in a tent
with the Ayatollah negotiating the sale of
triggered spark gaps for the Persian ultimate
deterrent.
*7