Arms deal inquiry’s sins of omission |
Publication |
Independent Online |
Date | 2013-05-19 |
Reporter | Moshoeshoe Monare |
Web Link | www.iol.co.za |
In the spring of 2011, President Jacob Zuma took the unimaginable step
of announcing a judicial commission of inquiry to probe the contentious arms
deal in which his name and those of his party and comrades are indirectly
implicated (even though none of the allegations against them was proven by a
competent court).
The commission’s terms of reference included the rationale behind the
biggest arms procurement in post-apartheid South Africa, whether anybody
improperly influenced the awarding of the contract and whether any contract
was “tainted by any fraud or corruption”.
However, almost two years later, the commission is making meaningless
progress, hamstrung by procedural snags, infighting and what the former
investigator Norman Moabi dubbed a secret agenda.
We report elsewhere in this newspaper that legal researcher Kate Painting
has quit and another senior key member of staff is contemplating leaving. We
understand that Painting’s departure was not a happy one. Internal ructions
and office politics aside, the commission is yet to hear any evidence, and
instead is seemingly intimidating witnesses and frustrating its dedicated
staff members.
We are yet to hear the outcome of serious allegations contained in Moabi’s
resignation letter, which were not adequately answered by Judge Willie
Seriti, the commission’s chairman.
I previously challenged him to be transparent and assure the nation that he
is the right person to execute this mission or do the right thing and quit.
Witnesses are told to disclose their sources and
prove authenticity of their evidence. This is tosh. A commission’s
role is to gather information from witnesses, and use legal tools such as
cross examination of witnesses and the testing of documents of evidential
value to satisfy itself regarding the reliability of such evidence and
credibility of the witnesses.
I am cautious to conclude that Moabi was correct to suggest the two-agenda
conspiracy theory. I want to give Seriti the benefit of the doubt. However,
so far he has not shown any sensitivity towards the public’s desire for a
transparent process. This might sound fair to him, but he must remember that
it is not the commission’s purpose and underlying philosophy to serve a
political agenda. Its mission is to account to and provide answers to South
Africans.
If it is true that the commission has again refused to subpoena the ruling
party or Fana Hlongwane, the arms dealer at the centre of this storm, then I
am tempted to say the commission is a waste of
taxpayers’ money.
Inasmuch as I gullibly believed then that the commission was the
right forum to expose what really happened and who did what, on second
thought it would have been better for law enforcement agencies to conduct
their own criminal investigations and let the prosecution institute action
against the suspects. One may argue that the police and prosecution only
acted in the context of factional battles in the ANC when people like Zuma,
his financial advisor Shabir Shaik and ANC senior leader Tony Yengeni were
targeted after falling out with their party rivals.
Granted, it was selective prosecution, considering a long list of top
officials implicated in the arms deal. But is the commission the right
platform to uncover the truth?
What truth?
With acknowledgement to Moshoeshoe Monare and Independent Online.
Tosh indeed.